Not gonna lie, I expected nice giant nugs and got a bunch of smaller ones, but its STRONG. Solid 9 out of 10. It would have been a 10 if the nugs were bigger. Great effects! I'd definitely buy this again. Totally worth the rec. Surterra's been a great spot for Flower & CDT as of late. Hope the next jars got bigger nugs. Cheers 💚

Hello all,
I'm part of a graduate team studying how leadership behaviors relates to your satisfaction, performance, and engagement. We are seeking input from imaging professionals from all modalities and types of facilities. Please consider taking the anonymous survey below and passing it onto colleagues.
Your input and experience is valuable to us, and we hope the information we learn has the potential to inform current leadership and inspire best practice for increased employee performance, engagement, and well-being.
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I've been really drawn to engineering prompts for counseling. It seems to me that many people in the boomegen x area (esp men) feel uncomfortable with therapy and counseling. I believe that ChatGPT can help from the standpoint of cost to also it being somewhat comforting that its not a real person that one needs to be vulnerable to. Does anyone else have any prompts that have worked really well for them on the counselor front?

Oh boy, here I go writing another 30 pages of unsourced fanfiction!
Good old Hans Hüttig: as legacy as legacy TNO content gets. From the independent foreign policy to the Himmler driven 4D chess insanity, to the flawless SS coup the story of Hüttig and German Africa is practically crying out for a rework. It is simplistic, 2 dimensional, and no longer in line with TNOs development philosophy. And frankly its boring. I think we can do better.
But despite all that, Hans and what he does narratively is also utterly necessary. The south africa war is the first piece of “major” content for post-GCW Germany and the US playthrough. The collapse of the Reichsstaat kickstarts africa content, and trying to balance three more enormous RKs into German gameplay would be all but impossible. Hüttig is currently the linchpin on which all african content south of Cameroon rests.
So, rather than redesign all of south/central africa from the ground up, or try to work through a increasingly unworkable bit of legacy content, I think it would be best to instead integrate Hüttig as well as the sudden loss/collapse of the German african holdings into modern TNO as best can be done. And in this post I will tell you my proposed new story of Huttig and his state, from bloodhound to generalissimo to cornered animal to death. If that sounds interesting to you, then keep reading :)
(FYI this is part of my larger project of proposing an expanded rework/facelift of the current African content. The important parts for this post are that the Reichskommissars are Carl Krogmann for Zentralafrika, Bernhard Ruberg for Süd-West Afrika, and by 1962 Theodor Eicke for Ostafrika. Everything else should be explained in post.)
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Nazi propaganda poster reminding and boasting of their old colonies. Though Hitler was always uninterested in Africa most of his nationalist and revanchist supporters thought otherwise, and wanted very much to regain their old territory. As German boots marched from Iran to London to Moskow, the dreams of these men were allowed to go wild: can the new master of Europe truly deserve the title if he is not also the master of Africa?
In order to answer what Hüttig and German Africa should look like, we must first answer how Germany came to control Africa in the first place. After all Hitler was apathetic towards the African continent, always in favor of pushing his mission to colonize eastern Europe. Yet Germany takes over all of central africa: why? For this we must delve into forbidden knowledge: how Germany won WW2. We know from leaks that Italian East Africa never fully fell to the allies: that a guerrilla campaign succeeded in bogging down allied forces until Italo German reinforcements came through egypt. But it seems unlikely to me that Axis forces would have gone much further south than that: the soviet and middle eastern fronts demanded the men, and the capture of the suez had been accomplished. On the allies side men were needed for the defense of the home isles and operation torch. As such, the German occupation of africa would take place after the wars end.
Operation Torch: the opening of a new front in west africa via amphibious landings in Morocco and Algeria would have still gone forward. Just as in OTL it would have been done with the cooperation of anti-axis elements in the vichy france army/administration in africa, but unlike OTL the attack would not have gone nearly so smoothly. With Germany continuing to win in the east the french commander in Africa François Darlan remains committed to collaboration, and the allies fail to take Algiers by coup. The French forces in africa are split between Darlan and Charles Mast, and the battle for french africa devolves into a messy civil war. In the end the north of french africa, supported by the Germans and Vichy France, remains loyal to the collaborator government while the south, via the bribes and invasions of Free france with British assistance, falls under Degauls control. The battle for Algeria meanwhile will devolve into a bloody stalemate, with American troops being supplied through a captured Morocco and British Gibraltar fighting German troops supplied through Tunisia. The balance is finally broken when Spain intervenes on the side of the Axis. In return for control over Morocco and German economic assistance, Franco joined with what he now considered the winning side and fatally damaged allied supply into north africa as well as critically weakening the british navy. Seeing that their attack had failed, the allies made a fighting withdrawal back to Britain, where they scrambled to defend the Home islands.
As the Americans suffered reverses in the Pacific and the Soviet Union began to fall apart, allied morale began to collapse. For our story this has important implications for what remained of allied controlled Africa. In South Africa Jan Smuts had to resort to increasingly authoritarian measures against pro German sabotage and a surging pro-neutrality movement. North and South Rhodesia saw a sharp upswing in pro-federation opinion and an increase in war weariness more generally. Though initially enthusiastic and furnishing large numbers of volunteers, the British Africans now saw the probable fall of the mother country and wondered if there was a way out. The Belgian Congo, held by free Belgium forces, faced similar issues while British held South-West africa saw a Nazi insurgency spring up. In this atmosphere of fear and pessimism several actions were taken: fearing that they would soon be forced into isolation the two Rhodesias and Nyasaland elected to confederate, seeking strength in unity and numbers, while British Uganda sought to make room for an expected flow of refugees. The Bechuanaland Protectorate was occupied by South African forces. But no one declared independence or sought to make a separate peace.
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Rough map of Africa at the end of the war, but before negotiations. I don't have photoshop, so let me paint a picture in words: Anglo-Egypt all the way down to IEA is occupied by Italy. Northern and southern Rhodesia are confederated with Nyasaland. Bechuanaland is occupied by South Africa and southern French Africa is controlled by the Free French. All other borders should be accurate.
Instead the fate of Africa was decided where it so often had been: at diplomatic tables in Europe. Though the Axis armies had failed to conquer all of Britain the atomic bombing of Hawaii sapped the last of Anglo-American resolve, and a ceasefire was signed on July 16th, 1945. In the ensuing negotiations German dominance over africa was decreed in the manner typical of the Nazi’s: bold, broad declarations of conquest with very little prior planning. The main forces pushing for this was the Office of colonial policy under Rudolf Asmis, in alliance with German business concerns who saw great potential for profit in the dark continent. Hitler by this point was fully engaged with constructing his new order in eastern Europe, and largely left questions of african policy to others. This lenience, as well as the general atmosphere of triumphalism, allowed the ambitions of the colonialists to run wild.
The former German colonies of Cameroon, South-west Africa and East Africa were handed over without concession, while Belgian, British and some French holdings were signed away for mere promises to “respect the lives and properties of European settlers”. Kenya was transferred to Italian East Africa. The only area which retained some semblance of autonomy was the newly formed Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Here Germany would grant internal political autonomy and even the right to maintain a limited semi-independent armed force in return for economic concessions, the right to garrison the federation with German troops, the extension of anti-jewish and racial purity laws into the federation, and an annual payment from the rhodesians to cover the costs of German occupation in the federation. As such Rhodesia officially ceased to be a British colony and became a German protectorate, but much of the pre-war structure remained. Finally the Germans also annexed Bechuanaland, but here they hit a snag: the south africans refused to withdraw their occupation of the area, and unilaterally annexed it. Even as the policy of neutrality became the only possible course of action, Jan Smuts refused to cede yet more British territory to Germany. Smuts would sign the peace treaty, but in his last days leading the south african government he would do all in his power to keep South Africa out of German hands. For their part the Germans briefly considered seizing the area militarily, but were talked out of the idea by their allies in the South African political scene, who believed they were on the verge of winning the government via elections.
One final hurdle needed to be overcome however: the old governments needed to be evicted from the territory now claimed by the reich. Hitler’s apathy towards africa and insistence that demobilization continue at a swift pace meant that the colonial ministry would never get the troop numbers it requested: the issue of overextension was present from the beginning of German Africa. In many areas this was not an issue: British Africans no longer had any stomach to fight so long as their rights were respected, and in Sud-west africa the German population welcomed their new masters with open arms. For the vast majority of the black natives, the news that the flag was changing yet again was met with a shrug: this was hardly the first time land in africa had changed hands, and one European was assumed to be much the same as another. The African intelligentsia however was nearly in a panic, fearing for their positions and lives. But at this point modern native political organizations had only just begun to form, and even fewer had real experience in warfare: the black africans would not yet offer united resistance. The only real resistance would come from the Free french and belgians. Though it took months, the promise of respecting settlor institutions and the decisive defeat of Free French forces in Gabon ultimately won over most of the new territory. The Belgians had been pacified, and the French were forced to retreat far into the north where the Spanish, Portuguese and French State promised to finish them off. So it was that by the end of 1946, Africa looked something like this:
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Africa in 1946. Though the Portuguese colonies would later be taken and Rhodesia placed under tighter oversight from Ostafrica, these basic divisions remain in place at game start. (Namimia=Sud-West Afrika, all are in their base RK states instead of their post collapse names as seen here.)
After this many things happen: the northern border of Zentralafrika is pushed back by native revolt, the free french are saved by iberian interference and American support, the portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique are invaded and added to the kommissariats, and Rhodesia is pressured to fall further under Ost-african suzerainty. But this post is about Hüttig and the Reichsstaat, so let's stay focused on that.
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Hans Benno Hüttig was experienced in East Africa, having fought there in WW1, but was even more experienced in the German concentration camp and prison system. During the war he gained a reputation for being a ruthless troubleshooter, suitable for fixing whatever issues he came across and being ideologically devoted. And when he arrived in Ostafrika in 1951, he found a situation in dire need of fixing. The second Reichskommissar Albert Hoffmann had bumbled the colony into a massive slave revolt, with the garrison keeping control of the urban settlements but large parts of the countryside rendered unsafe for German travel. For this Hoffmann would be the only Reichskommisar to be recalled from office, and was replaced by an SS man: Theodor Eicke. The Eicke administration had only one goal: the pacification of Ostafrika by any means necessary. To this end the new Reichskommisar leveraged his old SS connections to bring in some trusted hands, and among them was Hans Hüttig.
Hüttig would spend the next decade growing intimately acquainted with the Reich’s african territories, and with all the dangers and rot therein. In keeping with his reputation in Germany Hüttig proved to be a merciless and harsh man who would seek to “rectify” any issues he found. Steadily rising up the SS hierarchy as well as gaining the trust of Eicke for being one of the few uncorrupt men in Africa, he quickly became known as East Africa’s bloodhound. He was empowered to seek out and destroy dissidents, often chasing his prey beyond Ostafrikan borders into the other Kommissariats, and even into neutral territory such as South Africa. Additionally he was instrumental in advising the “African system” of concentration/labodeath camps in East Africa. In all this he was protected by his patron Kommisar Eicke, and became a figure of hatred, envy, and fear. By 1962 Hüttig is 68 years old, and many looked forward to his retirement. But they had no such luck. Though Hüttig did resign his field commands he was tapped by Eicke as the head of security in Ostafrika: a job which he accepts in early 1962. The white devil had won his prize.
But Hüttig's rise has been due more to his political reliability and personal ties than his actual competence. Though hardly a moron it is clear that he has been promoted beyond his capabilities. He is unimaginative, relies heavily on protocol and “statistical methods”, and his personal political radicalism makes him see enemies where none exist, and gets in the way of cooperation with other forces. Though successful in suppressing several native revolts his methods have caused damage even to white lives and property in affected areas, and have not prevented later flare ups in the same region. Though his network of camps have successfully pacified parts of east africa it has come at the cost of high expense and economic stagnation. Even his battlefield record is mixed: though he performed well enough against poorly equipped native revolts, his SS forces performed poorly in the war against Cameroon. Finally, and perhaps most damningly, his system of fortified villages and punishment camps has not succeeded in ending the state of insurgency in Ostafrika. Though all African RKs have resistance movements to contend with Ostafrikan resistance is without a doubt the most damaging and intractable, despite the ever escalating cycle of violence. only the Tanganyika coast and Bouhlerstadt can be said to be truly pacified and under German control, with other areas either in a state of low intensity warfare or administered by autonomous Europeans.
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Philipp Bouhler (right). A career long member of the Reich Colonial Office, he was the first Kommissar of Ostafrika, when it was in its original, smaller form. Recalled to Germania after the death of the prior head, he now acts as the highest authority on African colonial matters. However he and his office are weak: unable to thrive in the cutthroat politicking of the NSDAP, the colonial office has consistently been outmaneuvered by the foreign office, business syndicates and the SS. By 1962 only Sud-West Afrika truly follows his commands.
In short, Hüttig is seen by most white men in Africa as a grumpy prison warden who has grown too large for his own good, whose inflexible mindset causes almost as much damage as it prevents. For those who have lost their property or status to Hüttig's black band he is a dangerous radical whose witch hunts and blank cheque do nothing to entrench German rule and do much to undermine it. And for the black and Asian Africans whose families he has murdered, whose sons he has enslaved and whose daughters he has tortured, for the vast majority of African men and women Hans Hüttig is the devil himself. A symbol of absolute evil who is hated nearly as much as he is feared.
But for many of his men and the African SS as a whole, Hüttig is the thin black line keeping the barbarians at bay. When a gaggle of naive nuns get themselves kidnaped who is sent to rescue them? Huttig’s men. When some petty chief or mercenary gets delusions of grandeur who is sent to beat out the fire? Huttig’s men. When a flat footed bureaucrat thinks he is above the law and steals from the volk who knocks on his door? Huttig’s men. Without them and Hüttig, they say, Afrika wouldn’t last a year before it dissolves. As such young fanatics see in Hüttig the image which has been cultivated for him: an incorruptible man of iron who one can anchor themselves too in these times of uncertainty. Where others see stupidity they see determination, where others see a lack of foresight they see a man of action. And most importantly this is how Hüttig is increasingly seeing himself: surrounded by such voices and with the weight of the world on his shoulders, how could he not?
In normal circumstances this would be the end of Hüttig's road: he would spend the last years of his career as the right hand man of Eicke, slowly losing control of the massive territory until he retired into obscurity. But this is not the fate destiny has for him: for to the south a fire is burning.
In South Africa the post-war 1948 election did indeed bring the National Party into power, which immediately set about implementing its policy of Apartheid and upholding the status of white supremacy more generally. Additionally they sought to open trade relations with Germany and Japan after having been isolated from these markets by the war. They were soon to be disappointed however: the Japanese had little interest in inviting “foreign competition” into their market, while the Germans insisted that South African desires could only be granted if they integrated into the Pakt more generally. America meanwhile suffered from economic recession and took a dim view of the National Party. With politics interfering the south african economy slowed to a crawl, and other issues began to make themselves known: tensions between the Boer and English populations, the creeping fascistization of the National Party, disagreements over the scope and means of segregation, and continued pressure from black organizations attempting to tear down apartheid all have led to increased tensions within South Africa. The minutiae of this conflict is not worth going into in this post, but suffice to say that the National party is split, and the entire nation threatens to split along with it.
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Johannesburg civilians train in small arms, as part of a local political militia. Despite the governments assurances that South Africa is safe and stable, the popular fear of black revolution or simple crime continues to dominate. Reich propagandists and agents, in a rare case of agreement between the colonial and foreign office, have fanned the flames of this fear by supporting those who claim that the National Party is not doing enough to ensure white rule in South Africa.
Hüttig has always been of the opinion that the fate of South Africa would not be decided by votes or speeches, but by blood and steel. For years he has been bitterly disappointed by the South african policy of not permitting him to pursue groups or individuals across the border into south africa, and contends that the reason his policies have only had limited success is because of the softness of South africa, Italian East Africa and Zentralafrika giving fugitives a “safe zone” in which they could escape his wrath. With his rise to leadership of the Ostafrikan SS and head of security this contention has only become more important.
There is very little he can do about the policy of any of these states, but in South Africa the question of fugitives from the north has become a political issue. Since the establishment of Ostafrika and the conquest of the Portuguese colonies there has been a steady stream of migration from the north into south africa, for economic as well as political or social reasons. As bad as the Boers were, they would at least pay you something for your work. Hundreds of thousands have traveled to south Africa either in hopes of making a new life for themselves, or more often to earn money which could be sent back home. And along with these migrants more than a few were political dissidents. The question of what to do with this influx has divided the country: more moderate members of the national party have been happy to exploit this group as cheap labor, willing to work for almost nothing. Liberal whites and several religious groups also wish to maintain the system, as preferable to aiding and abetting Hüttig's reign of terror by capturing his dissidents for him. The ANC, representing black south Africans, has declared itself open to these migrants as well in the name of pan-african solidarity. Finally, the geopolitical situation must also be considered: if South Africa were to intercept and return all the people fleeing German Africa as Hüttig wished it would be tying themselves irrevocably to the German system: unacceptable in the face of the ongoing strategy of neutrality in the cold war. Of course, there are those who say white South Africans should never have become so dependent on black labor, that aligning with Germany is in their best interests, and that not cracking down on this trend is an unacceptable security risk.
The question has come to a head with a bill which would make it law to deport black Africans back north kicking around parliament indecisively. In 1962 the bill is brought to a referendum, and quickly grows to be seen as a referendum on the future course of the nation: will south Africa become tied at the hip to the Germans and follow a more authoritarian path inspired by nazi and fascist successes, or will it maintain its course of controlled democracy and international compromise? But as said before many in the German administration have no faith that a democratic vote will bring south Africa to sense. As such, though they will lean on South Africa to attempt to swing the referendum their way, they are also preparing contingency plans: arming and training more radical groups as well as forging ties with economic barons and other Boer VIPs. If elections will not bring South Africa where it needs to be, perhaps a march on Cape Town will… But Hüttig is not a man to rest on idle hopes: he believes that even this will not be enough, and behind closed doors has advocated for the armed takeover of South Africa, citing the Dutch and the English as nations which could only be brought into the new order through force and arguing that their African cousins would be the same. This is yet another example of his ill-advised radicalism to most, but when the referendum brings South Africa to a state of civil war, he will be seen as a profit. Even a broken clock is right twice a day it seems.
When Hitler dies and the fatherland suddenly has its hands full with the following chaos, German Africa finds itself in a difficult situation: communication with the colonial office is sparse and contradictory. Thousands of German soldiers have been stranded and resupply denied. The financial and material strength of the German colonies has been severely constrained, and as such all three do as one would expect: they hunker down, plan to conserve their strength, and wait for the chaos back home to subside. But their prior actions will not give them this option. Radicalism fostered by the Germans themselves has borne fruit in post-referendum south Africa in the form of violence and riot from all sectors of society. Just as Germany is falling into a succession crisis, South Africa falls into civil war. Initially the Reichskommissars see this as unfortunate, but not something they could afford to get involved in. But poor command over radical officers and units close to the border inevitably draws them closer to the conflict, until finally the report comes in that south African forces attacked an SS group in German territory. Whether this was a case of accidental fire, revenge, or even a false flag from the SS itself is unknown, but the result is inevitable: German boys have been killed and no true Nazi would settle for anything less than a war in response. The RKs intervene in South Africa, despite some reservations. But why worry? The south Africans were divided, weakened by degenerate ideology and outnumbered, German forces would sweep into Cape town in no more than a month. And in the end all of Africa would be under German guidance, finally elevating them from being the eternal black sheep of the empire.
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Another reason for German confidence in their \"defensive attack\" was their superiority in armored vehicles, especially tanks. The German tank fleet has been rightfully criticized as overly large considering the state of warfare, but it has benefited the afrikan administrations by giving them a great deal of older models as surplus. Of course Afrika mostly lacks the facilities to repair or replace these machines, but so long as the war does not last longer than a few months this should not matter...
With these thoughts in mind the German forces hastily marched southwards to fulfill their mission of “self defense”. And when they attacked alongside their political allies, they discovered that the enemy was not nearly as weak as they had supposed. Though initially successful anglo and black south africans rallied against the German invasion, and soon the uncoordinated and relatively flimsy German force found itself bogged down, and the OFN having been invited in by their opponents. It was clear: the light “anti-bandit” forces were no match for American tanks, and the three week operation was going to be anything but. The Kommissariats needed to unite, to reform, to strengthen, or else they would come undone before Germany proper could return to them. They needed an African Oberkommando.
Hans Hüttig is not the best choice for generalissimo: he is not trained in the command of large armies, he is broadly disliked and distrusted by the Wehrmacht, and his age is beginning to show. However, he is also the only choice for the position. He alone commands an organization that commonly works across RK lines, Ostafrika is providing the majority of the troops for this war, and without his cooperation the supply chain to the front would be endangered. With no one who clearly outranks the rest and Hüttig having been the only man to seriously plan for a conventional war to the south, it becomes clear that Hüttig's men will accept no one else for the job. The various other armies of German Afrika never had any intention of following the Oberkommando to the letter in any case, and so after a period of resistance they bow to the inevitable: Hüttig is the war master.
As his first act as commander, Hüttig does something surprising, for perhaps the first time in his life: he arms the natives. For years Hüttig had been the staunchest defender of the colonial offices policy of maintaining an all-European armed force, but even he could not deny the math: if German men were going to die in their thousands to the south, then they would need to be replaced by their thousands in the north, and all the conscription in the world would not fix that. Though he still considers the natives unfit for frontline action Hüttig does have experience in turning native against native: the Kapo. The Kapo was a concentration camp prisoner who was given administrative and supervisory tasks in return for privileges in the camp itself. The necessity of this system meant it was already institutionalized in camps across Africa, turning prisoner against prisoner. As such, in order to fill in the gaps behind the lines, this system would be expanded: in return for the promise of a better life, prisoners would be given the option to act as “anti-bandit” forces or as porters bringing material to the front. Of course these units would be commanded by German officers, and deployed in areas they had no personal connections to, but this is still a radical change from the prior policy of tribalization, enslavement or extermination.
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Drawing of a European Kapo and his wards. Faced with the ever present issue of manpower even before the war a system of turning the prisoners against each other was necessary. Considering the dire conditions of the camps those willing to sell their souls in return for their food were not hard to find. The issue was to ensure their continued loyalty and diligence. For those who were suspected of falling short, the typical punishment is to simply be stripped of their status and returned to the prisoners to do with as they wish.
The second order of business is to build an arms industry from almost nothing. Throwing financial caution to the wind, Hüttig shall seize relevant property and take out massive loans, and rush the construction of ammunition and other such factories. For this project Otto Förschner will be called to service, having had experience with factory slave labor for years dating back to the V2 program during WW2. The third and final task is the most difficult: corralling and coordinating the armed forces and policy of the other two RKs. While Theodor Eicke is generally in agreement with him, Carl Krogmann of Zentralafrika and Bernhard Ruberg of Sud-West Afrika neither trust nor support him. They were willing to accept the “Kapo” units as a sad necessity, and agreed in abstract that native labor should supply while Europeans should fight, but they are resistant to truly integrating their armed forces with Hüttig. As such Hüttig is forced to rely on the African SS, and on threats more than true consensus.
As the war drags on, all will become more desperate, approving policies they never would have before. For Hüttig this works to his advantage, to a degree. The generals and administrators will fall even more in line as the war situation deteriorates. However it will also force him to desperation: Kapo units will be expanded with penal conscripts and sent to the front, when loans are no longer able to be forced out he will resort to outright confiscation, even the ancient practice of slave raids will be revived to feed the ever-growing war machine. As the number of reliable men available decreases, backline units resort to more terroristic methods, trying to foster fear which will do what their actual strength cannot. Overall, the Afrikan RKs will be run to exhaustion, with ideology and sustainability being increasingly sacrificed in a war that can no longer possibly be worth the cost. But the only thing worse than a pyrrhic victory is a crippling defeat, and so the Germans will have no choice but to fight on.
When Germany rights itself and the new Fuhrer is empowered the efforts of Hüttig will be aided, but his position will be maintained, for there is no war in south Africa. Both America and Germany want to win, but both also want to avoid escalation: Africa is not worth risking nuclear Armageddon for. As such Germany will send supplies, advisors, “volunteers”, air systems and intelligence. But much as America cannot risk an outright declaration of war against the African RKs, Germany cannot risk directly taking over the war effort in Africa. With this final dynamic of German aided RKs and National Party radicals fighting OFN aided national party moderates, the war will see its end. It may end in three ways: The Germans and Boers successfully march to Cape Town and South Africa is reorganized as a One-Party state under the Boar led National Party radicals, both sides are unable to continue fighting and a ceasefire is agreed to, or the African RKs begin to unravel as the war becomes too much for them and Germany is forced into a unilateral ceasefire, giving up much of the south to OFN South Africa. Regardless of the outcome, the RKs will be left badly destabilized and all the leaders will blame everyone else for everything that went wrong, with thinly veiled accusations of treason flying between rivals. Clearly Germany cannot leave Africa as is, and so a conference in Dar es Salaam will be called to discuss current issues in Africa and decide on a new policy, or at least however much of Africa is left after the war. And it is here that Hans Hüttig will take power and become the Master of Afrika
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SS-Obergruppenführer Hans Benno Hüttig, posing in front of a newly constructed punishment camp near Dar-es Salam. As Obergruppenführer of the Ostafrikan SS and the head of security in Ostafrika, Hüttig commands the largest number of troops by any single person in Afrika, with Wehrmacht garrisons typically being dispersed. After the South African war, he is without a doubt the most militarily powerful person in Africa, win or loose.
(To be continued tomorrow)